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Family, Race, Gender, and Prevailing Region Are Examples of

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Politics based on one's identity

Identity politics is a political arroyo wherein people of a particular gender, organized religion, race, social background, social class, ecology,[1] or other identifying factors, develop political agendas that are based upon these identities. The term is used in a variety of ways to describe phenomena as various as multiculturalism, women'southward movements, civil rights, lesbian and gay movements, and regional separatist movements.[2]

Many contemporary advocates of identity politics take an intersectional perspective, which accounts for the range of interacting systems of oppression that may impact their lives and come up from their various identities. Co-ordinate to many who describe themselves equally advocates of identity politics, it centers the lived experiences of those facing systemic oppression; the purpose is to better empathize the coaction of racial, economic, sex-based, and gender-based oppression (amid others) and to ensure no i group is disproportionately affected past political actions, present and future.[3] [4] [five] Such gimmicky applications of identity politics depict people of specific race, ethnicity, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, economical class, disability condition, education, religion, language, profession, political party, veteran status, recovery status, and geographic location. These identity labels are not mutually exclusive but are in many cases compounded into one when describing hyper-specific groups. An instance is that of African-American, homosexual, women, who constitute a particular hyper-specific identity class.[vi] Those who take an intersectional perspective, such as Kimberlé Crenshaw, criticise narrower forms of identity politics which over-emphasise inter-group differences and ignore intra-group differences and forms of oppression.

Critics of identity politics have seen it as particularist, in contrast to the universalism of liberal perspectives, or argue that it detracts attending from not-identity based structures of oppression and exploitation. A leftist critique of identity politics, such as that of Nancy Fraser,[7] points out that political mobilization based on identitarian affirmation leads to surface redistribution that does non challenge the status quo. Instead, Fraser argued, identitarian deconstruction, rather than affirmation, is more conducive to a leftist politics of economical redistribution. Other critiques, such equally that of Kurzwelly, Rapport and Spiegel,[8] bespeak out that identity politics often leads to reproduction and reification of essentialist notions of identity, notions which are inherently erroneous.

Terminology [edit]

During the belatedly 1970s, increasing numbers of women—namely Jewish women, women of color, and lesbians—criticized the supposition of a common "adult female's feel" irrespective of unique differences in race, ethnicity, grade, sexuality, and civilisation.[nine] The term "identity politics" was coined by the Combahee River Collective in 1977.[10] The collective group of women saw identity politics equally an analysis that introduced opportunity for Blackness women to be actively involved in politics, while simultaneously interim as a tool to authenticate Black women's personal experiences.[11] Information technology took on widespread usage in the early 1980s,[ clarification needed ] and in the ensuing decades has been employed in myriad cases with radically different connotations dependent upon the term's context.[12] [13] It has gained currency with the emergence of social activism,[ description needed ] manifesting in various dialogues inside the feminist, American civil rights, and LGBT movements, likewise every bit multiple nationalist and postcolonial organizations.[14] [15]

In academic usage, the term identity politics refers to a wide range of political activities and theoretical analyses rooted in experiences of injustice shared by different, often excluded social groups. In this context, identity politics aims to reclaim greater self-determination and political freedom for marginalized peoples through understanding particular paradigms and lifestyle factors, and challenging externally imposed characterizations and limitations, instead of organizing solely effectually condition quo belief systems or traditional political party affiliations.[16] Identity is used "every bit a tool to frame political claims, promote political ideologies, or stimulate and orient social and political action, unremarkably in a larger context of inequality or injustice and with the aim of asserting grouping distinctiveness and belonging and gaining ability and recognition."[xiv]

History [edit]

The term identity politics may have been used in political discourse since at least the 1970s.[12] The starting time known written appearance of the term is found in the April 1977 statement of the Blackness feminist socialist group, Combahee River Collective, which was originally printed in 1979'due south Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism,[17] later on in Dwelling Girls: A Black Feminist Album, edited by Barbara Smith, a founding fellow member of the Collective,[eighteen] who accept been credited with coining the term.[19] [twenty] In their last statement, they said:[21]

[A]due south children we realized that nosotros were different from boys and that we were treated different—for example, when we were told in the same breath to be tranquillity both for the sake of being 'ladylike' and to make us less objectionable in the optics of white people. In the procedure of consciousness-raising, actually life-sharing, nosotros began to recognize the commonality of our experiences and, from the sharing and growing consciousness, to build a politics that will alter our lives and inevitably end our oppression....Nosotros realize that the only people who care enough most u.s. to work consistently for our liberation are u.s.. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows u.s.a. to go along our struggle and work. This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and potentially almost radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to terminate somebody else'southward oppression.

—Combahee River Commonage, "The Combahee River Collective Statement"[22]

Identity politics, every bit a mode of categorizing, are closely continued to the ascription that some social groups are oppressed (such as women, indigenous minorities, and sexual minorities); that is, the thought that individuals belonging to those groups are, by virtue of their identity, more than vulnerable to forms of oppression such equally cultural imperialism, violence, exploitation of labour, marginalization, or subjugation.[16] Therefore, these lines of social divergence can be seen as ways to proceeds empowerment or avenues through which to work towards a more equal society.[23] In the Us, identity politics is commonly ascribed to these oppressed minority groups who are fighting discrimination. In Canada and Spain, identity politics has been used to describe separatist movements; in Africa, Asia, and eastern Europe, it has described fierce nationalist and ethnic conflicts. Overall, in Europe, identity politics are exclusionary and based on the idea that the silent majority needs to exist protected from globalization and clearing.[24]

Some groups have combined identity politics with Marxist social form analysis and class consciousness—the well-nigh notable example being the Black Panther Party—merely this is not necessarily characteristic of the grade. Another example is the group MOVE, which mixed Black nationalism with anarcho-primitivism (a radical form of dark-green politics based on the idea that civilization is an musical instrument of oppression, advocating the render to a hunter gatherer order).[25] [26] Identity politics can exist left-wing or right-fly, with examples of the latter beingness Ulster Loyalist, Islamist and Christian Identity movements, and examples of the quondam being queer nationalism and black nationalism.

During the 1980s, the politics of identity became very prominent and information technology was also linked to a new wave of social movement activism.[27]

Debates and criticism [edit]

Nature of the movement [edit]

The term identity politics has been practical retroactively to varying movements that long predate its coinage. Historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. discussed identity politics extensively in his 1991 book The Disuniting of America. Schlesinger, a stiff supporter of liberal conceptions of civil rights, argues that a liberal democracy requires a mutual basis for culture and society to function. Rather than seeing civil society every bit already fractured along lines of power and powerlessness (co-ordinate to race, ethnicity, sexuality, etc.), Schlesinger suggests that basing politics on grouping marginalization is itself what fractures the civil polity, and that identity politics therefore works against creating existent opportunities for ending marginalization. Schlesinger believes that "movements for civil rights should aim toward full acceptance and integration of marginalized groups into the mainstream culture, rather than … perpetuating that marginalization through affirmations of difference."[28]

Brendan O'Neill has suggested that identity politics causes (rather than but recognizing and interim on) political schisms along lines of social identity. Thus, he contrasts the politics of gay liberation and identity politics by proverb: "[Peter] Tatchell besides had, back in the day, … a commitment to the politics of liberation, which encouraged gays to come out and live and engage. Now, we accept the politics of identity, which invites people to stay in, to await inward, to captivate over the trunk and the cocky, to surround themselves with a moral forcefield to protect their worldview—which has nothing to do with the world—from whatever questioning."[29] [ undue weight? – discuss ]

Similarly in the Britain, author Owen Jones argues that identity politics often marginalize the working grade, saying:

In the 1950s and 1960s, left-wing intellectuals who were both inspired and informed by a powerful labour movement wrote hundreds of books and articles on working-class issues. Such work would aid shape the views of politicians at the very top of the Labour Party. Today, progressive intellectuals are far more than interested in issues of identity. ... Of course, the struggles for the emancipation of women, gays, and ethnic minorities are exceptionally important causes. New Labour has co-opted them, passing genuinely progressive legislation on gay equality and women's rights, for example. But it is an agenda that has happily co-existed with the sidelining of the working course in politics, assuasive New Labour to protect its radical flank while pressing ahead with Thatcherite policies.

LGBT issues [edit]

The gay liberation move of the late 1960s through the mid-1980s urged lesbians and gay men to engage in radical straight action, and to counter societal shame with gay pride.[31] In the feminist spirit of the personal being political, the most basic course of activism was an emphasis on coming out to family unit, friends and colleagues, and living life as an openly lesbian or gay person.[31] While the 1970s were the peak of "gay liberation" in New York Urban center and other urban areas in the United States, "gay liberation" was the term still used instead of "gay pride" in more oppressive areas into the mid-1980s, with some organizations opting for the more than inclusive, "lesbian and gay liberation".[31] [32] While women and transgender activists had lobbied for more than inclusive names from the showtime of the motion, the initialism LGBT, or "Queer" as a counterculture shorthand for LGBT, did non gain much acceptance as an umbrella term until much later in the 1980s, and in some areas not until the '90s or fifty-fifty '00s.[31] [32] [33] During this period in the United States, identity politics were largely seen in these communities in the definitions espoused by writers such equally cocky-identified, "black, dyke, feminist, poet, mother" Audre Lorde'southward view, that lived experience matters, defines us, and is the but thing that grants authorization to speak on these topics; that, "If I didn't define myself for myself, I would be crunched into other people'south fantasies for me and eaten alive."[34] [35] [36]

By the 2000s, in some areas of postmodern queer studies (notably those effectually gender) the idea of "identity politics" began to shift away from that of naming and claiming lived experience, and authority arising from lived experience, to 1 emphasizing choice and performance.[37] Some who depict on the work of authors like Judith Butler particularly stress this concept of remaking and unmaking performative identities.[38] Writers in the field of Queer theory have at times taken this to the extent equally to now argue that "queer", despite generations of specific utilise to depict a "non-heterosexual" sexual orientation,[39] no longer needs to refer to any specific sexual orientation at all; that information technology is at present only about "disrupting the mainstream", with author David M. Halperin arguing that straight people may now also self-identify as "queer".[xl] However, many LGBT people believe this concept of "queer heterosexuality" is an oxymoron and offensive form of cultural appropriation which not simply robs gays and lesbians of their identities, but makes invisible and irrelevant the actual, lived experience of oppression that causes them to exist marginalized in the first place.[41] [37] "It desexualizes identity, when the issue is precisely about a sexual identity."[42]

Some supporters of identity politics have stances based on Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's work (namely, "Tin the Subaltern Speak?") and accept described some forms of identity politics as strategic essentialism, a grade which has sought to work with hegemonic discourses to reform the understanding of "universal" goals.[43] [44] [45] Others betoken out the erroneous logic and the ultimate dangers of reproducing strong identitarian divisions inherent in essentialism.[46]

Critiques and criticisms of identity politics [edit]

Critics contend that groups based on a particular shared identity (e.g. race, or gender identity) can divert energy and attending from more fundamental issues, similar to the history of divide and rule strategies. In response to the formulations of the Combahee River Commonage that necessitated the system of women around intersectional identities to bring about broader social change, socialist and radical feminists insisted that, instead, activism would crave support for more "basic" forms of oppression.[9] Other feminists as well mirrored this sentiment, implying that a politics of issues should supersede a politics of identity. Tarrow likewise asserts that identity politics can produce insular, sectarian, and divisive movements incapable of expanding membership, broadening appeals, and negotiating with prospective allies.[47] In other words, separate organization undermines movement identity, distracts activists from important problems, and prevents the cosmos of a common calendar. In addition, Chris Hedges has criticized identity politics as ane of the factors making upwardly a form of "corporate capitalism" that merely masquerades every bit a political platform, and which he believes "volition never halt the ascent social inequality, unchecked militarism, evisceration of civil liberties and omnipotence of the organs of security and surveillance."[48]

Those who criticize identity politics from the right run across it as inherently collectivist and prejudicial, in contradiction to the ideals of classical liberalism.[49] Those who criticize identity politics from the left run into it as a version of conservative nationalism, i.e. as a divide and conquer strategy by the ruling classes to separate people past nationality, race, ethnicity, religion, etc. so as to distract the working class from uniting for the purpose of class struggle.[50] [51] [52] [53]

Sociologist Charles Derber asserts that the American left is "largely an identity-politics political party" and that it "offers no broad critique of the political economy of capitalism. It focuses on reforms for Blacks and women and so forth. But it doesn't offer a contextual analysis inside capitalism." Both he and David N of the Socialist Equality Party posit that these fragmented and isolated identity movements which permeate the left have allowed for a far-correct resurgence.[48] Cornel West asserted that soapbox on racial, gender and sexual orientation identity was "crucial" and "indispensable," but emphasized that it "must exist connected to a moral integrity and deep political solidarity that hones in on a financialized form of predatory capitalism. A commercialism that is killing the planet, poor people, working people here and away."[54]

Critiques of identity politics have also been expressed by writers such as Eric Hobsbawm,[50] Todd Gitlin,[55] Michael Tomasky, Richard Rorty, Michael Parenti,[53] Jodi Dean,[56] Sean Wilentz[57] and philosopher Slavoj Žižek.[58] Hobsbawm, as a Marxist, criticized nationalisms and the principle of national self-determination adopted in many countries after 1919, since in his view national governments are frequently merely an expression of a ruling class or ability, and their proliferation was a source of the wars of the 20th century. Hence, Hobsbawm argues that identity politics, such as queer nationalism, Islamism, Cornish nationalism or Ulster loyalism are just other versions of bourgeois nationalism. The view that identity politics (rooted in challenging racism, sexism, and the like) obscures grade inequality is widespread in the Usa and other Western nations. This framing ignores how form-based politics are identity politics themselves, co-ordinate to Jeff Sparrow.[59]

Intersectional critiques [edit]

In her journal article Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color, Kimberlé Crenshaw treats identity politics equally a process that brings people together based on a shared attribute of their identity. Crenshaw applauds identity politics for bringing African Americans (and other non-white people), gays and lesbians, and other oppressed groups together in customs and progress.[23] But she critiques it because "information technology frequently conflates or ignores intragroup differences."[23] Crenshaw argues that for Black women, at least two aspects of their identity are the bailiwick of oppression: their race and their sex.[60] Thus, although identity politics are useful, we must exist aware of the role of intersectionality. Nira Yuval-Davis supports Crenshaw's critiques in Intersectionality and Feminist Politics and explains that "Identities are private and collective narratives that answer the question 'who am/are I/we?"[61]

In Mapping the Margins, Crenshaw illustrates her point using the Clarence Thomas/Anita Hill controversy. Anita Hill accused US Supreme Court Justice nominee Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment; Thomas would exist the second African American judge on the Supreme Court. Crenshaw argues that Loma was and then deemed anti-Black in the motility confronting racism, and although she came forward on the feminist result of sexual harassment, she was excluded because when considering feminism, it is the narrative of white heart-class women that prevails.[23] Crenshaw concludes that acknowledging intersecting categories when groups unite on the ground of identity politics is better than ignoring categories altogether.[23]

Examples [edit]

Racial and ethnocultural [edit]

Ethnic, religious and racial identity politics dominated American politics in the 19th century, during the Second Party System (1830s–1850s)[62] as well every bit the Third Party System (1850s–1890s).[63] Racial identity has been the central theme in Southern politics since slavery was abolished.[64]

Similar patterns appear in the 21st century are commonly referenced in popular culture,[65] and are increasingly analyzed in media and social commentary as an interconnected part of politics and society.[66] [67] Both a majority and minority group phenomenon, racial identity politics tin develop as a reaction to the historical legacy of race-based oppression of a people[68] besides equally a full general group identity issue, as "racial identity politics utilizes racial consciousness or the group's collective memory and experiences as the essential framework for interpreting the actions and interests of all other social groups."[69]

Carol K. Boyfriend has argued that non-white indigenous pride and an "emphasis on racial identity politics" is fomenting the ascent of white nationalism.[70] Anthropologist Michael Messner has suggested that the Million Homo March was an example of racial identity politics in the United States.[71]

Arab identity politics [edit]

Arab identity politics concerns the identity-based politics derived from the racial or ethnocultural consciousness of Arab people. In the regionalism of the Centre Eastward, information technology has particular significant in relation to the national and cultural identities of non-Arab countries, such as Turkey, Iran and Due north African countries .[72] [73] In their 2010 Being Arab: Arabism and the Politics of Recognition, academics Christopher Wise and Paul James challenged the view that, in the mail-Afghanistan and Republic of iraq invasion era, Arab identity-driven politics were ending. Refuting the view that had "fatigued many analysts to conclude that the era of Arab identity politics has passed", Wise and James examined its development every bit a viable alternative to Islamic fundamentalism in the Arab world.[74]

Co-ordinate to Marc Lynch, the post-Arab Spring era has seen increasing Arab identity politics, which is "marked by land-state rivalries equally well as state-society conflicts". Lynch believes this is creating a new Arab Cold State of war, no longer characterized by Sunni-Shia sectarian divides but by a reemergent Arab identity in the region.[75] Najla Said has explored her lifelong experience with Arab identity politics in her book Looking for Palestine.[76]

Asian-American identity politics [edit]

In the political realm of the The states, according to Jane Junn and Natalie Masuoka, the possibilities for an Asian American vote are congenital upon the supposition that those broadly categorized every bit Asian share a sense of racial identity, and that this group consciousness has political consequences. However, the idea of a monolithic Asian American bloc has been challenged equally populations are various in terms of national origin and language—no one group is predominant—and scholars advise that these many various groups favor their distinctive national origin groups over any pan-ethnic racial identity.[77] According to the 2000 Consensus, more than than 6 national origin groups are classified collectively every bit Asian American, and these include: Chinese (23%), Filipino (eighteen%), Asian Indian (17%), Vietnamese (11%), Korean (11%), and Japanese (8%), along with an "other Asian" category (12%). In addition, the definitions practical to racial categories in the United States are uniquely American constructs that Asian American immigrants may not adhere to upon entry.

Jun and Masuoka find that in comparison to blacks, the Asian American identity is more than latent, and racial group consciousness is more susceptible to the surrounding context.

Black feminist identity politics [edit]

Black feminist identity politics concern the identity-based politics derived from the lived experiences of struggles and oppression faced by Black women.[78]

In 1977, the Combahee River Collective (CRC) Argument argued that black women struggled with facing their oppression due to the sexism present within the Ceremonious Rights Motion and the racism present inside second-wave feminism. This argument—in which the CRC coined the term "identity politics"—gave black women in the U.Southward. a political foothold—both within radical movements and at large—from which they could confront the oppression they were facing. The CRC also claimed to aggrandize upon the prior feminist adage that "the personal is political,"[79] pointing to their own consciousness-raising sessions, centering of black speech, and communal sharing of experiences of oppression as practices that expanded the phrase'southward telescopic. Equally mentioned earlier K. Crenshaw, claims that the oppression of blackness women is illustrated in 2 different directions: race and sex.[80]

In 1988, Deborah K. King coined the term Multiple jeopardy, theory that expands on how factors of oppression are all interconnected. King suggested that the identities of gender, class, and race each take an individual prejudicial connotation, which has an incremental effect on the inequity of which one experiences[81]

In 1991, Nancie Caraway explained from a white feminist perspective that the politics of black women had to be comprehended by broader feminist movements in the understanding that the unlike forms of oppression that black women face (via race and gender) are interconnected, presenting a chemical compound of oppression (Intersectionality).[82]

Hispanic/Latino identity politics [edit]

According to Leonie Huddy, Lilliana Stonemason, and S. Nechama Horwitz, the majority of Latinos in the United States identity with the Democratic Political party.[83] Latinos' Autonomous proclivities tin be explained by: ideological policy preferences and an expressive identity based on the defence of Latino identity and condition, with a strong support for the latter explanation hinged on an analysis of the 2012 Latino Immigrant National Election Study and American National Election Study focused on Latino immigrants and citizens respectively. When perceiving pervasive discrimination against Latinos and animosity from the Republican party, a strong partisanship preference furthur intensified, and in return, increased Latino political entrada engagement.

Māori identity politics [edit]

Due to somewhat competing tribe-based versus pan-Māori concepts, there is both an internal and external utilization of Māori identity politics in New Zealand.[84] Projected outwards, Māori identity politics has been a disrupting forcefulness in the politics of New Zealand and post-colonial conceptions of nationhood.[85] Its development has besides been explored as causing parallel ethnic identity developments in non-Māori populations.[86] Academic Alison Jones, in her co-written Tuai: A Traveller in Two Worlds, suggests that a form of Māori identity politics, directly oppositional to Pākehā (white New Zealanders), has helped provide a "basis for internal collaboration and a politics of strength".[87]

A 2009, Ministry of Social Evolution journal identified Māori identity politics, and societal reactions to information technology, as the most prominent factor behind significant changes in self-identification from the 2006 New Zealand census.[88]

Muslim identity politics [edit]

Since the 1970s, the interaction of faith and politics has been associated with the rise of Islamist movements in the Heart East. Salwa Ismail posits that the Muslim identity is related to social dimensions such as gender, class, and lifestyles (Intersectionality), thus, different Muslims occupy different social positions in relation to the processes of globalization. Not all uniformly engage in the construction of Muslim identity, and they do not all apply to a monolithic Muslim identity.

The construction of British Muslim identity politics is marked with Islamophobia; Jonathan Brit suggests that political hostility toward the Muslim "other" and the reification of an overarching identity that obscures and denies cantankerous-cutting collective identities or existential individuality are charges fabricated against an assertive Muslim identity politics in Britain.[89] In addition, considering Muslim identity politics is seen equally internally/externally divisive and therefore counterproductive, likewise as the result of manipulation by religious conservatives and local/national politicians, the progressive policies of the anti-racist left take been outflanked. Brit sees the partitioning that divided British Muslims amongst themselves and with the anti-racist alliance in Britain every bit a event of patriarchal, conservative mosque-centered leadership.

A Le Monde/IFOP poll in January 2011 conducted in French republic and Germany found that a bulk felt Muslims are "scattered improperly"; an annotator for IFOP said the results indicated something "beyond linking immigration with security or immigration with unemployment, to linking Islam with a threat to identity".[90]

White identity politics [edit]

In 1998, political scientists Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg predicted that, by the late 20th-century, a "Euro-American radical right" would promote a trans-national white identity politics, which would invoke populist grievance narratives and encourage hostility against non-white peoples and multiculturalism.[91] In the The states, mainstream news has identified Donald Trump's presidency as a signal of increasing and widespread utilization of white identity politics inside the Republican Party and political mural.[92] Journalists Michael Scherer and David Smith have reported on its development since the mid-2010s.[93] [94]

Ron Brownstein believed that President Trump uses "White Identity Politics" to eternalize his base and that this would ultimately limit his ability to accomplish out to non-White American voters for the 2020 United States presidential election.[95] A iv-yr Reuters and Ipsos assay concurred that "Trump'due south brand of white identity politics may be less effective in the 2020 election entrada."[96] Alternatively, examining the same poll, David Smith has written that "Trump's comprehend of white identity politics may piece of work to his reward" in 2020.[97] During the Democratic primaries, presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg publicly warned that the president and his administration were using white identity politics, which he said was the about divisive form of identity politics.[98] Columnist Reihan Salam writes that he is not convinced that Trump uses "white identity politics" given the fact that he still has significant back up from liberal and moderate Republicans – who are more favorable toward clearing and the legalization of undocumented immigrants – but believes that it could become a bigger upshot equally whites become a minority and assert their rights like other minority groups.[99] Salam also states that an increase in "white identity" politics is far from certain given the very high rates of intermarriage and the historical example of the one time Anglo-Protestant cultural majority embracing a more inclusive white cultural bulk which included Jews, Italians, Poles, Arabs, and Irish gaelic.[99] [ undue weight? – discuss ]

Columnist Ross Douthat has argued that information technology has been important to American politics since the Richard Nixon-era of the Republican Party,[100] and historian Nell Irvin Painter has analyzed Eric Kaufmann's thesis that the phenomenon is acquired by immigration-derived racial diversity, which reduces the white majority, and an "anti-majority adversary culture".[101] Writing in Phonation, political commentator Ezra Klein believes that demographic change has fueled the emergence of white identity politics.[102]

Gender [edit]

Gender identity politics is an arroyo that views politics, both in practice and as an bookish discipline, as having a gendered nature and that gender is an identity that influences how people recall.[103] Politics has become increasingly gender political as formal structures and breezy 'rules of the game' take become gendered. How institutions bear upon men and women differently are starting to be analysed in more depth as gender volition affect institutional innovation.[104]

Women's Identity Politics in the The states [edit]

Scholars of social movements and democratic theorists disagree on whether identity politics weaken women's social movements and undermine their influence on public policy or have reverse effects. S. Laurel Weldon argues that when marginalized groups organize around an intersectional social location, cognition about the social grouping is generated, feelings of affiliation between group members are strengthened, and the movement's agenda becomes more representative. Specifically for the U.s.a., Weldon suggests that organizing women by race strengthens these movements and improves government responsiveness to both violence confronting women of color and women in full general.[105]

References [edit]

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Further reading [edit]

  • Christopher T. Stout. 2020. The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Alter, and Racial Appeals. University of Virginia Press.
  • Mike Gonzales. 2018. "It Is Time to Debate—and Cease—Identity Politics". The Heritage Foundation.

External links [edit]

  • Initiative on Religion in International Diplomacy at Harvard
  • "Identity politics", Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, sixteen July 2002
  • Joan Mandel. "How Political Is the Personal?: Identity Politics, Feminism and Social Change", Academy of Maryland, Baltimore Canton
  • "A Marxist Critiques Identity Politics". Seattle Weekly. 25 April 2017.
  • "Identity Politics Tin can Simply Get The states Then Far". Jacobin. 3 August 2017.
  • "Why identity politics benefits the right more than the left". The Guardian. fourteen July 2018.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Identity_politics

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